We Must Hurry to Help Ukraine with Russian Assets – an Interview with a Canadian Senator
In this interview with Tabula, Senator Omidvar discusses the bill she tabled to confiscate Russian state assets and transfer them to Ukraine:
According to your plan, you should help Ukraine recover with the assets confiscated from Russia. Let’s talk about these assets, who owns them? Russian businessmen? Oligarchs? And how long will it take to accomplish all of this if the plan goes ahead?
Within the framework of the sanctions regime in Canada and other countries, we are talking about three types of assets: individual assets – assets of oligarchs, we are talking about assets of state companies, such as airplanes belonging to the Volga-Dnepr airline, and third – we are talking about state assets, Russian state assets. We have to consider each of them very carefully, because confiscation of someone’s property, especially the confiscation of state assets, is a serious matter, and we must be sure that these actions are carried out within the framework of the rule of law. I am talking only about Canada, although Canada is not alone, the USA, Great Britain, Estonia are working on it.
I have introduced a bill in the Canadian Senate not to impose only asset sanctions. Sanctioning assets means they are frozen in the first place. That is, it is frozen, no one can do anything through them. My initiative was to go further in cases where these assets were the result of corruption and were in the hands of those who support Putin’s illegal war in Ukraine. In this case, we should not only freeze it, but also confiscate it within the law and use it for another purpose.
Canada began to take this step in 2022, and our government used this legal power in two cases: the first – Roman Abramovich’s $26 million, which was owned by Granite Capital Holdings, and the second – in connection with the plane parked at Pearson Airport, which was owned by the state-owned company Volga-Dnepr. These seizures are still ongoing, it’s taking longer than anyone would have hoped, but I understand that the government has to be careful and savvy to make sure that these first two seizures are done within the rule of law, with all the proper mechanisms in place, to ensure that the Canadian government to act more conveniently in relation to other assets. Remember that in Canada, as I recall, 1,400 oligarch assets are sanctioned. In the case of confiscation of state assets, it is a completely different matter because the sensitivity is greater and the state assets of one country are protected from seizure by the law of state immunity. So I have outlined a new way to seize government assets and it is currently being debated in the Senate.
What will be the most difficult part of implementing this plan? How long will it take to implement this plan, to help Ukraine with these assets? months? years?
In my opinion, you have asked a very good question. Canada needs to act fast, and one of the reasons is that Ukraine needs the money now, not in the future. We cannot support reparations agreements because Russia refuses to talk about reparations. So I think asset forfeiture should be used as a down payment. I hope the [Canadian] government will take this offer and make its own law and present it in the Senate, in committee, in the House of Representatives. It will take time. This conversation that I am having with you now is also important because it expands the conversation on this issue and strengthens the will of the government, and the will of our government is very clear – we want a free, democratic Ukraine. We want Russia to leave Ukraine. We want Russia to pay for the crimes it committed in Ukraine. I hope Canada will accept this proposal as well.
In what other ways is it possible for Canada to help Ukraine? For example, in the military or humanitarian direction. Is it possible that we will see something new in the near future?
I think that all these questions will continue to be discussed in parallel with the development of events in Ukraine. Canada, based on the size of our country (our country is large, but the population is relatively small), based on our population, we have provided Ukraine with military aid worth 2 billion, we have sent tanks, humanitarian aid, we have opened the border for Ukrainian temporary residents who want to work in Canada, we are renewing free trade with Ukraine Agreement, the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada is very strong and well organized and I am sure we will do more.
I am interested in your opinion regarding the current events in Israel. According to various estimates, the ongoing war in the Gaza Strip may be a challenge for Ukraine, as it will be difficult for them to receive aid. What do you think, how these events can affect Ukraine?
There is no doubt that the world’s attention has shifted [toward Israel]. Empathy moves from situation to situation. But let’s talk about Canada. In Canada, any talk of Israel and Palestine is controversial among the population. If you look at the news, there are demonstrations in support of both sides. Our government has to navigate between these opposing sides. In the case of Ukraine, it is absolutely clear what we want to do. I think this is our opportunity to unanimously support a free and democratic Ukraine.
I have to ask you a slightly controversial question regarding the case that happened in Canada a few months ago. When President Volodymyr Zelensky was in Canada, Ukrainian-born Yaroslav Hunka, who fought on the side of Nazi Germany in World War II, was invited to the House of Commons. This fact was widely used by Russian propaganda. What happened, how was this allowed in the House of Commons?
It was a very sad incident. I, for my part, would like to apologize to anyone who feels that we have let them down. In my opinion, this happened because one of the parliamentarians did not show the necessary diligence that is required of all parliamentarians. That’s all I can say. Actions are followed by reactions and consequences, a particular parliamentarian, who was not a simple representative, but the speaker of the House of Commons, which is a very high position in our country, resigned. I think any other attempt in this regard to glorify individuals without examining the history… I think the lesson has been learned that we need to understand history better, the history of what happened during and after World War II in these regions: Ukraine, Russia, Georgia, Armenia, everywhere. Perhaps this is the greatest lesson we have learned.
What do you think about Georgia’s European perspective and Tbilisi’s current foreign policy?
I am not an expert, but Georgia is a democratic country and we are interested in strengthening democratic institutions and building them. Our interest in Ukraine is partly derived from analyzing what happened in Georgia. You know better than I what the effects of such aggression are. I want our focus to be on the proper security of the region, not only Ukraine, but also the surrounding regions, because I think there will be consequences if Russia wins this war. I hope that one day Georgia will join the European Union.
How can Russian aggression be restrained? What should Western governments do to prevent Russian aggression in the future? How did we get to the point where Russia recklessly launched a full-scale war in Ukraine?
I think that the Western world, the Alliance of Democracies, the G7 encouraged Russia by not acting during the initial 2014 invasion. Many mistakes were made. These mistakes, including Western Europe’s reliance on Russian energy resources and the close relationship between Russia and energy-seeking countries, have created an attitude that has turned a blind eye to Russia’s expansive behavior and expansive ambitions. In particular, on President Putin’s ambitions to return Russia to the glory of the time of the USSR.
I think this vision should be enough of a warning for us now to take the ongoing aggression in Ukraine very seriously and to resist it with everything we have: humanitarian, military aid, trade sanctions, sanctions against individuals and stateowned companies. The world needs to act together and if we don’t, I’m afraid the future won’t be good. We must act unitedly, because we cannot abandon Ukraine, we cannot abandon Georgia. Everyone must act unitedly to roll back Russia’s expansionist ambitions.
What do you think is the main problem, Putin personally or Russia’s imperial ambitions in general?
I think it is a good question. I don’t know what the Russian people are thinking, but I read and see enough to say – the Russian people seem to support President Putin, and therefore support his ambitions to regain a greater role for Russia. I think this support for President Putin depends on where you live. Maybe in urban areas this support is more, I think it will be less where Russians are losing their children, it’s not Moscow, it’s the Far Eastern regions, but overall, I come to the conclusion that Russians mostly support President Putin, whoever is in the opposition. Navalny, Vladimir Karamurza – they are strong voices for a democratic and free Russia, and both are in prison. with severe health problems. This is the tragic part. They are very brave and brave people who chose to return to Russia and risk their lives.